Voranai another good article

[Bamboo Grove]

Neither Voranai's nor Sanitsuda's pen is behind this one but in my opinion, the author knows what he's writing about.

http://bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/ ... bilisation

[STEVE G]

. In as much as his sister, incumbent Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, is her own person and not another one of his pawns, a middle way might yet be found to bridge the red-yellow divide. Thailand's economy is healthy and growing. In this maddeningly wobbly and unstable world, Thailand could actually emerge as a bright spot and safe haven if only the greed of politicians, at home and abroad, can be checked, and the rule of law is fair, and fairly applied, to one and all.

Yes, let's not overlook the fact that Thailand seems is doing rather well at the moment and the present administration seems to be doing a better job in the cat herding world of Thai politics than anyone else has managed for quite a while.

[Bamboo Grove]

Scary if this speculation comes true one day. It is a well thought article and shows the machinations of Mr. T.

Power of the three

Shifting alliances, it's deliciously Machiavellian. There are no BFFs (best friends forever) in politics. Don't be surprised if the old establishment, the military and the Thaksin Shinawatra political machine make a pact to govern Thailand as a triumvirate, leaving the Democrat Party out in the cold. Don't be surprised if negotiations are already under way to achieve that.

Published: 07/04/2013 at 12:00 AM
Writer: Voranai Vanijaka

Incidents such as the National Anti-Corruption Commission investigating and then dropping the case of alleged asset concealment against Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra are merely part of the game _ negotiating parties taunt and threaten to put on a show of force in order to haggle out the best deal from a position of power.

This is speculation, not a prediction, another intellectual exercise in the form of educated guesses meant to ascertain what's behind how politics plays out. Remember, this is a world where players are sometime logical and sometimes erratic, but at all times motivated first by self-preservation and second by power.

Let's presume that the old establishment's and the military's goals are to preserve their status in the Thai social hierarchy and maintain, if not expand, their power.

Many of my dear readers would argue that the goal of the Shinawatra political machine is freedom, human rights and democracy, but for the sake of this exercise, let's go way out on a limb and presume that it's not. Rather, it is to maintain and to expand its power by pushing the Democrat Party and any opposing civil movements into irrelevance.

If they haven't already, sooner rather than later the three sides will find that they have much in common, and recognise that it will be a win-win-win situation for them to join forces.

As things stand today, the Democrat Party is still relevant with its 12 million electoral votes, its hold on the national capital and its ability to upset any bills proposed in parliament. However, there is no viable civil movement against the Shinawatra political machine. The People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) is now a memory.

The task then is for the Shinawatra political machine to convince the old establishment and the military that their interests align with the Pheu Thai Party _ while the latter two must negotiate the best deal in the interest of preserving their status and power.

Over the past decade, the balance of power in Thailand has clearly been disrupted. It's too late to turn back time, but the old establishment and the military remain the two greatest threats to the survival of the Thaksin political machine. The Democrat Party remains the obstacle to it expanding its power electorally.

There are two means of toppling the Pheu Thai regime. One is a military coup, always possible, but not likely given Thailand's present political and social climate.

The other is by dissolving the Pheu Thai Party through legal manoeuvring, always possible, but not likely given the threat of the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) putting tens of thousands of red shirt protesters on the streets.

Either would invite a scale of disruption that Thailand could ill afford. If the old establishment and the military are not already convinced of this, it is the job of the Shinawatra political machine to convince them.

Forging an alliance with the military is a work in progress, and progress has been made. Many of the rank and file _ field officers and colonels _ are already red shirts from the Isan region. And while army chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha and the ruling military circle remain staunch opponents of Thaksin, they will retire, sooner rather than later.

It is the task of the Shinawatra political machine to manoeuvre friends, cousins and classmates into positions of power within the military, making the term "watermelon soldier"apply to the army from top to bottom.

Purging the military of anti-Thaksin officers could be done in the next three to five years, if not less.

With the military going melon, while more and more citizens become disdainful of the traditional hierarchy, or simply disconnected to it and apathetic about it, the old establishment will find itself cornered. To protect its status and power, the only logical choice is to partner up with the Shinawatra political machine.

The political machine also realises that a partnership with the old establishment would provide spiritual legitimacy, which is very important to Thai society.

This would not persuade the anti-Thaksin portion of the population to suddenly fall in love with the man in Dubai, but it would strip them of an all-important cause.

Current developments favour the Shinawatra political machine, and in the next three to five years this partnership could come into full realisation.

First the old establishment and the military would have to accept that their reduction of status and power is an unavoidable reality. But they can take comfort in the fact that they will still have status and power. It would be a triumvirate of unequals, but that is always the case.

The population is divided, and if and when the political machine forges a full partnership with the old establishment, the other half of the country would lose a rallying symbol.

Personality cults are part of the Thai cultural psyche. But even without Thaksin, the Shinawatra political machine already has the advantage of a firmly established Yingluck cult for the UDD to rally around.

But the UDD must be utilised strategically. Any move to upset the political machine's consolidation of power must be met with the threat of tens of thousands red shirts in the streets. This intimidation must always appear constant, real and dangerous.

It is in the interests of the political machine to keep the UDD active, passionate and loyal. The political machine must also be careful, however, lest the UDD expand beyond control. Otherwise the game may change dramatically. There are many historical lessons that urge caution.

Thaksin himself must deal carefully within the power structure of the political machine. He must realise that the machine cannot be all about him. There must be a system, a structure and other key players who can perpetuate the power and control even without him.

To keep it within the family, sisters Yingluck and Yaowapa Wongsawat and ex-wife Pojamarn are set to carry on with the vision in the short to medium term _ while son Panthongtae is marked for the long term. However, it might be wise to let the power flow beyond the immediate family to capable people.

If the Machiavellian cards are played correctly, within five years the Shinawatra political machine will have a firm control on Thailand, with the military on its side, spiritual legitimacy gained from the old establishment and the constant threat of tens of thousands of red shirts in the streets.

The Democrat Party would then find itself completely irrelevant.

To prevent this scenario from playing out, the Democrats would need to convince the old establishment of its vitality and relevance.

It would have to form a connection with the inner circle of the military and be able to influence military appointments.

It would have to convince the relevant parties of its own status and power as a significant force in Thai society, now and in the future. That it could replace the Pheu Thai regime. That it too can pose the threat of putting tens of thousands of protestors on the streets. The Democrat Party needs to figure out how to discredit, disrupt and disintegrate the political machine.

But how to do this?

A few months ago, as a guest speaker at their annual dinner, I told a room full of Oxford and Cambridge alumni at the Oriental Hotel that if I ever have children I would send them to either Sam Houston State University or Kentucky State University. This was said in jest, of course, but it had the ring of truth to it considering the Thai political landscape.

So let's see if the Oxford leadership of the Democrat Party can turn the game around. Otherwise, one day we might have a prime minister named Panthongtae.

Again, this is not a prediction, merely an intellectual exercise on the shape that Thailand's future will take. That said, prime minister Panthongtae does roll off the tongue quite well, doesn't it? Two P's sandwiching an M. Now that's definitely got a certain ring to it.

http://m.bangkokpost.com/opinion/344297

[STEVE G]

Don't be surprised if the old establishment, the military and the Thaksin Shinawatra political machine make a pact to govern Thailand as a triumvirate, leaving the Democrat Party out in the cold.

Yes and as long as it brings stability I would say that most people are better off for it. On an international scale, Thailand seems to be doing rather well at the moment.

[Bamboo Grove]

Yes and as long as it brings stability

I just can't imagine how bringing Thaksin back to officially and singlehandedly rule over the Thais would bring stability. IMHO, it's a bit like in the case of Pinochet, maybe there was stability but it wasn't a happy period for most of Chileans.

[STEVE G]

I just can't imagine how bringing Thaksin back to officially and singlehandedly rule over the Thais would bring stability

No, I was meaning the situation as it exists now as the present administration seems to be doing quite well.

[Lung Per]

Here's another spot-on article by Voronai in today's Bangkok Post.
I shall refrain from my usual sarcastic comments and let his article speak for itself.

http://bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/ ... ge-too-far

Nothing new under the bridge.

[Bamboo Grove]

And the beat goes on...

Setting the stage for when the boss is back

From the Skype meetings to the speech in Mongolia, from the military cleared of all charges and the rally against the Constitution Court _ join the dots and we can see pressure being brought to bear.

Published: 05/05/2013 at 12:00 AM
Writer: Voranai Vanijaka

The desired result of all of these moves is the triumphant return of the Man in Dubai, or in Hong Kong, Siem Reap, or wherever.

If we can assume that on Monday, in Mongolia, Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra revealed what is in her heart, then I say it's about time. Whether one agrees with what she said is irrelevant; appreciation for the national leader for speaking honestly is the point.

Perhaps her mistake was displaying such honesty in a foreign land in front of foreigners; hence her being called a traitor. After all, it is very much against Thai custom to talk "critically" about Thailand to foreigners. But I'm not one for convention. Speak your heart and mind wherever and to whomever you wish, I say. After all, that's how I make a living.

Her criticism of the military coup and various agencies, as well as the sound tactic of throwing out catchwords like "democracy" and "the people" every other breath, have already been much discussed. I use the strategy often myself. It works well.

However, there are other developments worth connecting. After all, political actions are supposed to be a consequence of a carefully planned strategy, putting the pieces (or pawns, if you like) in the right places to accomplish a goal.

In March, through a Skype meeting, Thaksin ordered the Pheu Thai Party to speed up the push for an amnesty law. The political developments afterwards are but a chain of actions meant to keep the boss happy.

On Wednesday, the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) cleared the military of any wrongdoing during the troubles of April and May 2010 that led to 91 deaths. This is a significant gesture that says: "You are still too powerful, so we are not going to mess with you."

The gesture further says: "We would rather have you as an ally, as there are many mutual benefits to be had. In this ongoing struggle for amnesty, please just sit back and chill. We don't mess with you. You don't mess with us. We even clear you of all charges. Call it a gift, a gesture of goodwill."

Meanwhile, the DSI continues to point the finger at senior Democrats Abhisit Vejjajiva and Suthep Thaugsuban as the sole culprits behind the tragedy. The DSI has also set up a panel to study the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship's (UDD) request to dismiss terrorism charges against several red shirts.

If you, dear readers, suspect that I'm writing about the DSI as if the agency is an instrument of the Shinawatra political machine, then you might be on to something. After all, in this political struggle, both sides are using agencies to further their ends.

Moving on, we have hundreds of UDD members protesting against the Constitution Court. They condemn the court for being an undemocratic instrument of the old establishment and are demanding that all of its nine judges be removed. This is the court that banned both Thai Rak Thai and the People Power Party.

On Monday, we had Ms Yingluck's speech at the aptly named Community of Democracy conference in Mongolia, a speech that specifically targeted the military coup, as well as other undemocratic methods and agencies that victimise democracy.

She condemned the wrongs that have been done to her brother Thaksin, the democratically elected prime minister who was unjustly deposed. She said selflessly that if it were only her family who was suffering from the injustice, perhaps she could abide by it. But it's the people and democracy that truly suffer, and hence she must make the appeal for justice to the international Community for Democracy.

Personally, I think this is good stuff. The plot, the catchwords and the emotional appeal all ring true, even if it's the truth from only one side of the coin.

But that's the tried and true art of persuasion, to present only one side of the coin, with the word "truth" capitalised and bolded in red. The other side of the coin, of course, belongs to the Democrats, with their "truth" capitalised and bolded in blue.

Then there was another Skype meeting between Thaksin and Pheu Thai politicians on Tuesday.

According to a source quoted in the Bangkok Post, Thaksin said: "I want to come home. Tell the Democrat Party not to worry. If I come back, I don't want anything, I won't ask for any positions. let Prime Minister Yingluck continue to run the country."

In this Skype meeting, Thaksin is also said to have thrown his support behind the reconciliation bill proposed by Deputy Prime Minister Chalerm Yubamrung, who himself admitted the bill is designed to bring Thaksin back home.

So the military is in the clear and hopefully is another step closer to becoming a friend. The DSI does its bit for friends and foes. The prime minister does her job in the democracy roadshow, garnering international support. The UDD performs its duty in pressuring the Constitution Court and stirring public sentiment.

Mr Chalerm pushes the bill that will lead to Thaksin's return. The man himself holds Skype meetings to make sure everyone does their job. Meanwhile, Mr Abhisit and Mr Suthep are further isolated and pressured into accepting the bill.

There you have it. Connect the dots and we can then pressure being brought to bear, the goal being the return and exoneration of Thaksin.

The boss is impatient. He was never a patient man. This everyone knows. And when the boss makes demands, the employees must put in the effort. In other words, they must put on a show for the boss.

But it's not likely to work right away, because everybody also knows that at this point in time the old establishment is still very much relevant and wields significant influence from behind the scenes _ however undemocratic this surely is, as Ms Yingluck might say in Mongolia.

As well, Mr Abhisit and Mr Suthep aren't likely to be intimidated. The Democrats still have a wide base of popular support, even if it's not a majority.

If the measurement is 15 million Pheu Thai votes versus 11 million Democrat votes in the last general election, then the Democrats won't be pressured so easily.

Furthermore, as long as the army chief is Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha, Thaksin will not be able to return.

But he'll retire next year and whoever is appointed next _ well, it depends on how well the Shinawatra political machine plays the game.

So this is a show for the boss, and eventually the top advisers will calm him down and we can go back to newspaper headlines that are not about Thaksin _ for a while, until the next time the boss gets overly impatient.

That's the political game being played, and if any good can come out of it, let it be prime minister Yingluck continuing to speak her heart and mind. But let her do so directly to the Thai people.

The national leader should address her people honestly. If the international audience in attendance at the conference in Mongolia was able the hear truth and honesty from our prime minister, then we the Thai people also deserve at least that much.

http://m.bangkokpost.com/opinion/348469

[Bamboo Grove]

Yet another well-thought analyzes of the current situation. What is needed is an establishment in between the two sides, where the moderates from both sides could and would work together.

http://m.bangkokpost.com/opinion/357572

Unusual suspects in plot against Thaksin

Why is everyone conspiring to prevent Thaksin Shinawatra from returning home a free man? Of course, we know the Democrats and anti-Thaksin groups don't want him back _ or to be more precise, they want him back, but in jail.

Published: 30/06/2013 at 12:00 AM

But why are both the Pheu Thai Party and the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) _ along with every red Somchai and Somying on the streets and all red internet bloggers and Twitter users _ also complicit in keeping the big boss from returning?

Here's the story of what could have been. Picture this scenario: Two years of Pheu Thai leadership brings peace and prosperity to Thailand.

The first-time car buyer scheme not only pacifies Japanese manufacturers who saw their plants drowned in the 2011 floods, it also wins the favour of middle-class urbanites. The rice-pledging scheme not only puts money into the pockets of the Pheu Thai's base of farmers, it also allows Thailand to sell rice competitively in the world market (remember, this is what might have been). The 300 baht minimum wage policy proves to be another all-round winner.

The Pheu Thai government, staffed with honest and capable individuals, fights corruption and works for the greater good of the country. The only Guy Fawkes mask in sight is the one on the covers of pirated V for Vendetta DVDs on Silom Road. There is no reason to organise and protest against Pheu Thai, as there is little corruption, only honesty, transparency and prosperity.

The red shirts have retired from the streets, taken off their colours and become just regular Thai people. No red schools. No red villages. No beating up other people. No protests against Constitution Court judges, and no gatherings at Ratchaprasong. There's no reason to protest because democracy has won and brought balance to everything from management of the country to bringing terrorists and murderers to justice.

In the past two years, there have been no Skype meetings from Dubai; none are needed as the government is doing a wonderful job. The bridge across the political divide is paved with roses. Yingluck Shinawatra is a leader the nation rallies around.

So when an amnesty bill, which would lead to exonerating Thaksin of all crimes, is pushed through parliament, there might still be a lot of people crying foul, but Pheu Thai has the absolute majority in parliament.

As the bill jumps through the hurdles and finally lands in front of the Constitution Court for a decision on whether it's legal or not, there are things to consider. Of course, the invisible hand would still be at work, and perhaps the invisible foot too. Naturally, the Democrats would agitate, as would the anti-Thaksin groups.

But the basic facts of everyday life would be peace in the streets and prosperity for the nation, the poor getting richer, corruption down and national leaders proving their exceptional abilities and honesty with hard, effective work. What's more, the people no longer agitate against each other and the gap between the haves and have-nots is closing rather than widening.

This is what we call a favourable climate, an environment that is conducive to getting what you want. This, of course, doesn't automatically translate to the return and exoneration of Thaksin, but it is a few steps forward rather than a few steps back.

But instead of this lovely scenario of well-conceived and well-received policies, what we have are policies that have garnered constant scandal and controversy. Of course, we should support schemes to help the poor, but instead of honest and capable people implementing them, we have incapable, loud-mouthed cronies. For this, Thaksin has no one to blame but himself _ after all he signed off on the policies and appointed the people.

Perhaps the latest cabinet shake-up might improve things.

As for the mood of the populace, things are looking worse and worse. Politicians don't have to do much as the people themselves are doing a brilliant job of tearing the country apart and preventing common sense and progress from prevailing _ as well as the return and exoneration of Thaksin.

For Thai society at large the political divide has become less and less about Thaksin, Abhisit Vejjajiva, corruption, the old establishment, the new elite, the military and whatnot. The two sides have used rhetoric as propaganda tools with which they can slice and dice each other up.

Today, it's all about what side you are on. If you're not with us, you are against us. If you wear a red shirt or a Guy Fawkes mask, nothing else about you matters. The only thing that matters is you're the enemy.

You can donate half your monthly salary to help poverty-stricken families. You can spend every weekend volunteering at an orphanage. You might even help old ladies across the street. But if you wear a red shirt, or a Guy Fawkes mask, none of it matters _ not even if you both support Man Utd.

The only thing that matters is this: you're either a mindless buffalo who wants to sell the country to Dubai or a fascist pig who wants a military coup.

One doesn't even have to take a side. If an ordinary person happens to have an unfavourable opinion of Pheu Thai and the UDD, he is immediately branded as a hater of democracy. If another person has a favourable opinion of Pheu Thai and UDD, he is immediately marked as betraying time-honoured institutions.

And so people on concrete pavements and random dudes on the internet howl and bark because tearing Thailand apart gives meaning to their banal existences. While probably unwittingly, all they do is foster a climate of mistrust, hate, anger and downright stupidity. The result is that, not only is the country unable to move forward, the return and exoneration of Thaksin is not possible in the foreseeable future.

And for the red-shirt UDD, this is where things get tricky.

The old establishment can't sit easy seeing tens of thousands of protesters descending on Bangkok annually. They can't sit easy hearing the combative rhetoric from the stage and seeing the degrading writing on the banners _ as to whom and what is being degraded, we shall let your imagination run free. Also, they can't sit easy reading news stories of how a certain red faction beats people up, while another tries to dismiss the Constitution Court judges.

Basically, people in power simply can't sit easy while the populace runs amok, as it undermines their power and control _ unless, of course, the populace is running amok on their behalf (see the People's Alliance for Democracy).

As such, any behind the scenes conciliatory talk with Thaksin would invariably involve this question: "Thaksin, baby, what are you going to do with the red shirts?" With this, Thaksin is again caught between a rock and a hard place. His return and exoneration requires certain concessions from the old establishment, for them to say, "OK, we can work with you." The political game is one of give and take, nothing is free.

What then is the big boss to do? To effectively reel in the red shirts might please the old establishment, but it would also risk alienating the very people who brought Pheu Thai into power, as well as risk the loss of one of his most powerful bargaining tools. But letting the red shirts roam free guarantees that the old establishment won't budge.

So here we have a fragile status quo. Pheu Thai runs the government and the red shirts rule the streets. The old establishment and the military hold unofficial power and the allegiance of the bulk of bureaucrats and civil servants, with the Democrats in opposition.Upsetting this fragile status quo is the poor performance of the Pheu Thai government and the growth of the white mask movement. Meanwhile, supporters on both sides contribute in every way they can to driving the country further apart.

Altogether, it makes for a political and social climate that has the Thaksin political machine wary of bringing the big boss home any time soon, as things could turn ugly real quick.

Hence, we come back to the question: Why is everyone, including Thaksin himself, conspiring against Thaksin?

[PeteC]

The land of smiles, Or is it stupidity?


Thailand is currently known as the Land of Smiles, because supposedly we are a happy people. In the future, Thailand may still be known as the Land of Smiles, but for different reasons. Perhaps because when we are clueless about something, we just smile.

But if we are clueless about everything, would we then never stop smiling?

The past seven years in the Kingdom have been most interesting. We see the manifestation of political chaos and social upheavals that are the result of decades of mismanagement. National bickering continues as you are reading this, with the latest episode over the amnesty bills.

Mistakes from the past have accumulated to spawn the present crises, leading to future dilemmas. This is the tale of Thailand, a tragic comedy that affects all our lives and those of future generations, our children and their children.

It is therefore quite unfortunate that classes on current events are not being taught and will not be taught in primary or secondary schools, and will probably be only superficially taught at university, at best. And if a college classroom does go deeply into the subject matter, it is likely the lesson will be administered by academics deeply entrenched on one side of the political divide or the other. As such, students will receive an education painted vividly either red or yellow. This means that the supposed educational exercise is but propaganda.

Put colour-coded prejudices together with general ignorance, and the sum is a word that I have been using quite often in my commentaries - stupidity. It may seem that stupidity is firmly embedded in our DNA code, determining the future of our country.

This is not because there have been more than 20 military coups in this country. This is not because of the groups wearing the colour red or yellow or whoever else is running amok and wreaking havoc in our society. This is not because of the generals or the judges, the politicians or the businessmen, the ammart or the prai. This is not because of the lese majeste law.

A note to many of my readers: Please compose yourself before you read my next point; have a seat, take a deep breath and perhaps swallow a couple of Xanax tablets. Ready? Okay. This stupidity is not even caused by Thaksin Shinawatra. (Did someone just have a seizure?)

All the components mentioned are mere symptoms, not the disease. This stupidity is bred into future generations because of the lack of history lessons in the classroom. We learn a fair bit of mythology masquerading as history, mind you, but not actual history.

Surely the future generations will be quite clever in business and making money, excelling in many areas, just as has been the case for the present and past generations. But also like the present and past generations, future generations won't know what Thailand is, because they have never learned how Thailand came to be. Therefore, they won't know where Thailand is heading in the future.

It's a contagion, a plague of ignorance. The disease was born in the classroom. That's ground zero for ignorance.

Ten years from now, during a lecture, a young middle-class Thai university student may be chatting (on her free tablet computer courtesy of the government) with her Western internet boyfriend, who lives half the world away.

The Westerner, who likely is a retiree masquerading online as a teenager, might ask her about the significance of the reading of the amnesty bills in early August 2013. (OK, he would never ask her that, but work with me here.)

She may text back excitedly, "OMG! That's when Jenny got married to Ae who was already married to Tuu, but said they were never married, so then he got married to Jenny, and now they are divorced, cos Jenny got old and Ae found someone younger, and he told her he was never married to Jenny, so now they are married! So narak joong-boei 5555 lol na ka."

Yes, a Thai college student in 2023 would know enough English to have typed that. Don't be so cynical! The text might then be followed by three stickers and four smileys.

Fifteen years from now, on board a high-speed train from Chiang Mai to China, a Thai farmer plans to enjoy a holiday paid for by the 15 million baht per tonne rice subsidy he has just received. It's his last cheque just before the country goes bankrupt.

A Chinese man on the same train might ask him what he thinks about the late former prime minister Samak Sundaravej's 2008 comment to the international press that only one person died in the massacre at Thammasat University on Oct 6, 1976.

The Thai man may perhaps reply, "Samak good cook. Red shirt number one!"

Twenty years from now, at a meeting to disband the Asean Economic Community (AEC), because a dysfunctional family just doesn't work, a Singaporean official may ask a Thai official of ammart background what he thought about the life and career Thaksin.

The Thai official might nervously reply, "I don't know! Why are you asking me this?! Let me check with His Excellence Panthongtae Shinawatra, glorious leader and prime minister for life, and then I'll get back to you. He'll tell me what I think!"

When he's back in Bangkok, to ward off evil omens, the Thai official may promptly make merit at the foot of the 20-metre-tall golden statue of Thaksin that stands in front of parliament house. At the base of the statue is a mounted plaque with the words "Father of Democracy".

That's the future, folks. Exaggerated, perhaps, but the grain of truth is clearly visible. The land of smiles or stupidity?

Of course, we are not, nor will we be clueless about everything. But we continue to insist on being clueless about the most important thing, which is who we are as a people and a nation, because we sweep history under the straw mat.

Today, the people of Thailand march for or against many things: monarchy, democracy, amnesty, corruption, Thaksin and all the rest. But who's going to stand up on behalf of the children in the classroom, the future of this nation?

History in the classroom, every other country has it. Why don't we?

http://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/opin ... -stupidity

[oakdale160]

DOES HE ONLY WRITE IN ENGLISH?

[PeteC]

DOES HE ONLY WRITE IN ENGLISH?

I heard somewhere that some Thai publications pick up his columns and translate them to Thai. If true and which publications I have no idea.

Email him and ask as I too would like the wife to read some of his work in the Thai language. Google translate leaves much to be desired concerning an article like the above.

Let us know what he says if you contact him. "Contact Voranai Vanijaka via email at voranaiv@bangkokpost.co.th."

[buksida]

Brilliant - this guy should be PM.

[buksida]

Civil war? A scenario
During these sensitive political times and only fragile peace between the political divide, one might ask the question: what could be the final straw that breaks the buffalo’s back – that which may plunge the Kingdom of Thailand into a civil war? Let’s consider this.

For the anti-Thaksin Shinawatra faction, the end-game is a regime change, to bring down what they term the Thaksin regime and usher the Democrats back into power. All the street protests right now are but an effort to mount an opposition to achieve this.

They fear the eventual monopolisation of power by the Thaksin faction. Whether this pending monopolisation is real or imagined is one issue. More pertinent to the current political struggle is that the fear is real.

For the Thaksin monopoly to become a fact, a few things must happen. Thaksin must receive amnesty, return to Thai soil and resume power. The House of Representatives and the Senate must be dominated by Thaksin loyalists. The Constitution Court and the military must be swayed over to their camp.

An argument can be made that Thaksin can achieve this monopoly without having to ever return to Thailand. This is possible. But the victory would simply be less sweet, and a bit bitter. Then, of course, there is that which we will not talk about, because we cannot talk about, and so we won’t talk about.

Full Story: Bangkok Post

Thought: Thailand's inevitable future - this guy does hit it on the head quite well.

[sand_dancer]

I have been reading this guys articles for a while now....

He does not appear to be frightened about who or what he writes about... And as you say Buksi.... he does hit the nail on the head quite well....

Which led me to these 2 points....

1. Is he actually based in Thailand or writing from afar ?

2. What the impact would be if his articles were translated into Thai (They may well be, I do not know) and given widespread National coverage..... would it make a blind bit of difference to Thai Society ?